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Ortom says governor of Bauchi State, is part of the terrorist Fulani organisation that is terrorising the country

Ortom says governor of Bauchi State, is part of the terrorist Fulani organisation that is terrorising the country

Ortom

A governor in one of the North Central state of Nigrria, Governor Samuel Ortom of Benue State has accused Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed, of being a terrorist based on his support for herdsmen using AK-47s.


The Benue State Governor who spoke while addressing journalists in Makurdi on Monday, said Mohammed must be a terrorist for supporting foreign herdsmen wielding arms illegally.


According to him: “I wouldn’t want to be joining (taking) issues with my brother, friend, and colleague – Bauchi Governor. But since he has continued to vilify, intimidate and blackmail me. It is said that silence is consent. I am compelled to respond to him.


He said: “I am beginning to think that my brother, the governor of Bauchi State, is part of the terrorist Fulani organisation that is terrorising this country.


“Why do I say this? This is the same governor who took the oath of office to protect the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. This constitution does not leave room for allowing foreign herdsmen to come in without valid papers.


“This is a man who says that a Fulani man is a global man and can come in from anywhere and enter Nigeria. It is quite disappointing to hear a governor who took the oath of office, maybe he should go back and check the oath of office he took to check whether the allowing foreign terrorist Fulani herdsmen to come into Nigeria, is protecting the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,” Ortom said.


Also reacting to Mohammed’s statement, wherein he claimed herders can carry AK-47s to defend themselves, Ortom said the governor has to revisit the constitution to know its provisions on the matter and also tender an unreserved apology to Nigerians.


He said, “I don’t know where the constitution of this country allows any man or woman who is not licensed by security in the country to carry even a Dane gun, how much more weapons like AK-47, AK-49 and several other sophisticated weapons. The Land Use Act permits governors; like here in Benue State, I have the sole authority over land. If the Federal Government comes here to execute a project, they ask for land from me and until I grant the certificate of occupancy, they cannot do anything, whether in the forest, let him go and read (the) Land Use Charge. The governor holds the land on behalf of the people.”


Condemning the justification Mohammed gave for his AK-47 remarks, Ortom said the Bauchi State governor should apologise to Nigerians, especially those who have been victims of attacks by herdsmen in the past.


“Even his so-called response to try to run away from this thing implicated him more because he said what he said on national television, everyone heard him and his defence for saying that did not go well with us. I think the governor of Bauchi State should come out and apologise to Nigerians, it will be consoling. If he apologises, it will be appreciated but to keep arguing inflicts pain on some of us that have been victims of Fulani herdsmen and we're thinking that it's part of the conspiracy to wipe some people away, including Benue State,” Ortom said.


Ortom also said the governor of Bauchi State should be held responsible peradventure any evil befalls him. 


He said, “I want to think that with what he said and what those herdsmen wrote to me that they are going to assassinate me, Bala Mohammed is also part of it and if anything happens to me, I don't want anyone to be in doubt, Bala Mohammed should be held responsible especially... the condemnable remarks he made about herdsmen carrying AK-47 and can live anywhere in Nigeria whether in the forest or all that, he came back to say that Ortom is responsible for any hatred against Fulani herdsmen.


“I regard this as a way of vilifying me, profiling me towards assassination. He wants to instigate the Fulani people against me. I am not against Fulani people; they are in Benue State and they remain here. Some of my best friends are Fulani people and we relate very well. I am against the terrorist Fulani herdsmen coming from Mali, Niger, Senegal, Gambia, Cameroon, Ghana, and other parts of the world who want to seize our land and take over and create problems.


“Governor Bala Mohammed should learn from Governor (Abdullahi) Ganduje of Kano State who came out as a Fulani man and proffered a solution on how to handle this matter. If there is no hidden agenda, Bala Mohammed should take a cue from the Governor of Kano State. He should also take a cue from the Governor of Kaduna State who is against the Fulani herdsmen, he should take a cue from them. The Governor of Kaduna State has not hidden his hate for those foreign Fulani herdsmen who come with AK-47 and are killing his people.


“Bala Mohammed should take a cue from scholars who are of Fulani origin but want peace and unity of this country, who had come out to criticise Fulani herdsmen who come with AK-47 and killing, maiming, raping people and committing all sorts of atrocities. Is Bala Mohammed more Fulani than all these people? How about the Sultan of Sokoto who came out to say that out of 10 kidnappers today in Nigeria, 7 or 8 of them are Fulanis, is he more Fulani than the Sultan of Sokoto?”


Mohammed had last week defended his comment about armed herders, explaining that he used the use of AK-47s by Fulani herdsmen as a figure of speech for protection.


“It is a figure of speech to show you the despondence, the desperation and frustration and the agony that this particular person is exposed to by his own people, by his own tribe and by other tribes who have all seen him as a criminal and therefore, he has the inalienable right to protect himself,” the governor said during an interview on Channels Television’s Sunrise Daily.


The governor's comment on armed herdsmen had earlier triggered a wave of condemnation from his counterparts and Nigerians alike, increasing calls for the prohibition of open grazing.


Ondo State Governor, Rotimi Akeredolu, had earlier also knocked the Bauchi governor’s statement. 


“For what purpose? Bala Mohammed has even poured more petrol into the fire because his speech is unexpected of him. It will become very serious and nobody will be spared,” Akeredolu, a former President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), had noted.

Ortom

A governor in one of the North Central state of Nigrria, Governor Samuel Ortom of Benue State has accused Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed, of being a terrorist based on his support for herdsmen using AK-47s.


The Benue State Governor who spoke while addressing journalists in Makurdi on Monday, said Mohammed must be a terrorist for supporting foreign herdsmen wielding arms illegally.


According to him: “I wouldn’t want to be joining (taking) issues with my brother, friend, and colleague – Bauchi Governor. But since he has continued to vilify, intimidate and blackmail me. It is said that silence is consent. I am compelled to respond to him.


He said: “I am beginning to think that my brother, the governor of Bauchi State, is part of the terrorist Fulani organisation that is terrorising this country.


“Why do I say this? This is the same governor who took the oath of office to protect the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. This constitution does not leave room for allowing foreign herdsmen to come in without valid papers.


“This is a man who says that a Fulani man is a global man and can come in from anywhere and enter Nigeria. It is quite disappointing to hear a governor who took the oath of office, maybe he should go back and check the oath of office he took to check whether the allowing foreign terrorist Fulani herdsmen to come into Nigeria, is protecting the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,” Ortom said.


Also reacting to Mohammed’s statement, wherein he claimed herders can carry AK-47s to defend themselves, Ortom said the governor has to revisit the constitution to know its provisions on the matter and also tender an unreserved apology to Nigerians.


He said, “I don’t know where the constitution of this country allows any man or woman who is not licensed by security in the country to carry even a Dane gun, how much more weapons like AK-47, AK-49 and several other sophisticated weapons. The Land Use Act permits governors; like here in Benue State, I have the sole authority over land. If the Federal Government comes here to execute a project, they ask for land from me and until I grant the certificate of occupancy, they cannot do anything, whether in the forest, let him go and read (the) Land Use Charge. The governor holds the land on behalf of the people.”


Condemning the justification Mohammed gave for his AK-47 remarks, Ortom said the Bauchi State governor should apologise to Nigerians, especially those who have been victims of attacks by herdsmen in the past.


“Even his so-called response to try to run away from this thing implicated him more because he said what he said on national television, everyone heard him and his defence for saying that did not go well with us. I think the governor of Bauchi State should come out and apologise to Nigerians, it will be consoling. If he apologises, it will be appreciated but to keep arguing inflicts pain on some of us that have been victims of Fulani herdsmen and we're thinking that it's part of the conspiracy to wipe some people away, including Benue State,” Ortom said.


Ortom also said the governor of Bauchi State should be held responsible peradventure any evil befalls him. 


He said, “I want to think that with what he said and what those herdsmen wrote to me that they are going to assassinate me, Bala Mohammed is also part of it and if anything happens to me, I don't want anyone to be in doubt, Bala Mohammed should be held responsible especially... the condemnable remarks he made about herdsmen carrying AK-47 and can live anywhere in Nigeria whether in the forest or all that, he came back to say that Ortom is responsible for any hatred against Fulani herdsmen.


“I regard this as a way of vilifying me, profiling me towards assassination. He wants to instigate the Fulani people against me. I am not against Fulani people; they are in Benue State and they remain here. Some of my best friends are Fulani people and we relate very well. I am against the terrorist Fulani herdsmen coming from Mali, Niger, Senegal, Gambia, Cameroon, Ghana, and other parts of the world who want to seize our land and take over and create problems.


“Governor Bala Mohammed should learn from Governor (Abdullahi) Ganduje of Kano State who came out as a Fulani man and proffered a solution on how to handle this matter. If there is no hidden agenda, Bala Mohammed should take a cue from the Governor of Kano State. He should also take a cue from the Governor of Kaduna State who is against the Fulani herdsmen, he should take a cue from them. The Governor of Kaduna State has not hidden his hate for those foreign Fulani herdsmen who come with AK-47 and are killing his people.


“Bala Mohammed should take a cue from scholars who are of Fulani origin but want peace and unity of this country, who had come out to criticise Fulani herdsmen who come with AK-47 and killing, maiming, raping people and committing all sorts of atrocities. Is Bala Mohammed more Fulani than all these people? How about the Sultan of Sokoto who came out to say that out of 10 kidnappers today in Nigeria, 7 or 8 of them are Fulanis, is he more Fulani than the Sultan of Sokoto?”


Mohammed had last week defended his comment about armed herders, explaining that he used the use of AK-47s by Fulani herdsmen as a figure of speech for protection.


“It is a figure of speech to show you the despondence, the desperation and frustration and the agony that this particular person is exposed to by his own people, by his own tribe and by other tribes who have all seen him as a criminal and therefore, he has the inalienable right to protect himself,” the governor said during an interview on Channels Television’s Sunrise Daily.


The governor's comment on armed herdsmen had earlier triggered a wave of condemnation from his counterparts and Nigerians alike, increasing calls for the prohibition of open grazing.


Ondo State Governor, Rotimi Akeredolu, had earlier also knocked the Bauchi governor’s statement. 


“For what purpose? Bala Mohammed has even poured more petrol into the fire because his speech is unexpected of him. It will become very serious and nobody will be spared,” Akeredolu, a former President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), had noted.

Adams Oshiomhole: The Rise and Fall of a Labour Hero by Kunle Ajayi

Adams Oshiomhole: The Rise and Fall of a Labour Hero by Kunle Ajayi

Adams Oshiomhole

Adams Oshiomhole is probably the closest thing to political power Nigeria’s labour movements will ever have. In a remarkable career, over four-and-a-half decades, he rose to the top of both the trade union movement in the country, became a state governor and then national chairperson of the All Progressive Congress (APC), one half of Nigeria’s two-party system.


 In mid-2000 his political career came to a dramatic end when a court upheld his suspension from the APC. Vibrant and effective, Oshiomhole’s career trajectory in many ways represents the wider political subjugation of Nigeria’s labour movement.

 How this labor hero was ultimately defeated, is worth a short note.


The 1980s and 1990s marked a decade of turmoil for the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), the country’s largest trade union federation. Its troubles were worsened by the military’s repeated attacks on the leftist bastions of the labouwr movement. However, Oshiomhole’s appointment as NLC president in 1999, after Nigeria’s return to civilian rule, seemed to mark the opening of a new heroic chapter in the development of the movement.


Oshiomhole, now 68, came from a modest background in Edo State in southern Nigeria. He was fortunate to find factory employment with Arewa Textiles in Kaduna, a city in the northwest known as a trade and transformation center. His colleagues soon elected him union secretary. In 1971, responding to bad labor practices at his workplace, he led a shop-floor revolt. Four years later, he had become a full-time trade union organizer. Around this time, he left for the UK to study labor and industrial relations at Ruskin College in Oxford. (Ruskin had developed a reputation as an educational institution providing higher education to workers.) Later, he would also study at the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPS) in Kuru, Plateau State.


In 1982, Oshiomhole was appointed as the general secretary and chief executive of the National Union of Textile Garment and Tailoring Workers of Nigeria. As a 2017 report into the union’s fortunes would note: “At its peak in the 1980s, the textile industry employed up to 500,000 workers directly, making it the second largest employer after the government.” This made Oshiomhole one of the most powerful trade union leaders in Nigeria.


Oshiomhole’s emergence as a Labour and political leader is best understood within the wider historical trajectory of the NLC. From the mid-1980s, the junta of Ibrahim Babangida (1985-1993) clamped down on radical organizations and social movements as part of its imposition of neoliberal structural adjustment programs. The labour movement and the National Association of Nigeria Students (NANS) were hounded by restrictions and state agents at every turn.


In the NLC, the internal rift between progressive and the liberal forces—epitomized by the battle between Jonathan Ihonde of the Academic Staff Union of Universities and Ali Ciroma of the Amalgamated Union (Ciroma was pushed out)—led to the emergence of the charismatic Paschal Bafyau, a moderate, as president of the NLC. Unwilling to kowtow to the radical momentum of the 1990s during which the June 12, 1993 revolts against dictatorship broke-out, Bafyau couldn’t lead a coherent NLC and Babangida intervened again with a caretaker leadership. Oshiomhole, then general secretary of the National Textiles and Garments Union, was chosen to be Paschal Bafyau’s vice president. He immediately hit the ground running imbuing confidence and overseeing the rebuilding of labour’s fighting capacity.


Elected as NLC president in 1999, Oshiomhole became the darling of all workers fighting anti-labour practices and using his oratory prowess in political debates to inspire mass action. The Oshiomhole of this era bore a striking resemblance to Michael Imoudu, the legendary “Labor leader No 1,” who led the 1945 Cost of Living Allowances (COLA) strike that lasted for 45 days and shook the foundations of the colonial state.


Oshiomhole had his most heroic moments as NLC president. Under him, workers went on general strikes seven times. These strikes were about salary increases but also fought against the deregulation of the oil sector and the continued implementation of structural adjustment policies.


Oshiomhole understood the power of strikes and mobilized for them with great vigor. He usually relocated NLC structures to Lagos as the commercials center once a strike was to be announced. His bold leadership stirred President Obasanjo to accuse him of running a parallel government in 2004.


However, the tail end of Oshiomhole’s second tenure at the head of the NLC saw the evolution of the labour hero. During this period, the NLC joined the National Privatization Council, which served as the engine room for the destabilization of the Nigerian economy as production-based, marking a clear betrayal of all that labour had been fighting against. This also meant that NLC was part of the council that supervised the sale of government-owned industries, shedding large numbers of jobs while empowering cronies in the private sector. By the end of Oshiomhole’s tenure, the labour movement was left in tatters industrially and politically.


Oshiomhole was drawn into electoral politics, helping to establish the Labour Party in 2007. However, this is where the parallels between Oshiomhole and Imoudu end. While Imoudu was left leaning in practice, Oshiomhole jilted the Labour Party in favor of the bourgeois dominant formation, the Action Congress (AC), in the same year in which the Labour Party was formed. (Oshiomhole only ran a double ticket after union pressure.) The AC ultimately merged with similar parties to form the All Progressives Congress (APC).


Oshiomhole and his allies registered the Labor Party and handed it over to liberal Labour leader Dan Nwanyanwu. Under this leadership the party sold frontrunner tickets to the highest bidder while restricting union members from democratic participation. The party has yet to recover from the scars of this experience.


After gaining the governorship seat under the AC banner, Oshiomhole actively worked to prevent workers strikes. In Edo state, workers went on strikes at their union levels, but Oshiomhole violently prevented a general strike. The biggest general strike in Nigeria so far has been the Occupy Nigeria strikes in 2012. Instead of supporting the protests, despite being in the opposition, Oshiomhole helped to break the strike through a negotiation committee of which he was major state actor.


As governor, he also conducted the largest casualization of the work force by any state government thus far. More than 50,000 workers, employed through the Youth Employment Scheme (YES) in 2009, were sacked in 2015 when Oshiomhole claimed on television that he “picked them” from the “gutters.” Since this period Oshiomhole has used his overwhelming influence on both the NLC and the Trade Union Council (TUC) to ensure that general strikes are virtually forbidden under the strong-handed rule of the APC.


Oshiomhole gained a popular following in mainstream politics, retaining his characteristic khaki “comrade’s jacket”, but was increasingly seen through the godfather persona of “OshioBaba.” He has sadly also remained an example and a mentor to many in the Labour movement, and Labour activists are frequently seen in alliances with mainstream politicians in the PDP and APC. Labour bureaucrats have abandoned the Labor Party and like Oshiomhole, openly flirt with the ruling class. This is one reason why the movement lost two general strikes. However, the formation of a cluster of revolutionary organizations has brought new hope to the left and radical working class. Member organizations of the Coalition for Revolution (CORE) have been leading #RevolutionNow; the struggle precursor of the #EndSARS Protests that shook the world in late 2020.


Adams Oshiomhole rose to limelight and greatness while serving the working people as a labour leader. He managed to run Edo state government for two terms playing the devil’s advocate. In power, Oshiomhole denied workers most of what he fought for during much of his tenure at the helm of the NLC. Oshiomhole’s recent rise and fall within the APC is often viewed as the final desecration of a labour icon. Yet, it is evident that the workers movement lost its visionary leadership much earlier.


Author: Kunle Wizeman Ajayi, a Nigerian trade union leader is chair of the Lagos branch of the African Action Congress.


Adams Oshiomhole

Adams Oshiomhole is probably the closest thing to political power Nigeria’s labour movements will ever have. In a remarkable career, over four-and-a-half decades, he rose to the top of both the trade union movement in the country, became a state governor and then national chairperson of the All Progressive Congress (APC), one half of Nigeria’s two-party system.


 In mid-2000 his political career came to a dramatic end when a court upheld his suspension from the APC. Vibrant and effective, Oshiomhole’s career trajectory in many ways represents the wider political subjugation of Nigeria’s labour movement.

 How this labor hero was ultimately defeated, is worth a short note.


The 1980s and 1990s marked a decade of turmoil for the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), the country’s largest trade union federation. Its troubles were worsened by the military’s repeated attacks on the leftist bastions of the labouwr movement. However, Oshiomhole’s appointment as NLC president in 1999, after Nigeria’s return to civilian rule, seemed to mark the opening of a new heroic chapter in the development of the movement.


Oshiomhole, now 68, came from a modest background in Edo State in southern Nigeria. He was fortunate to find factory employment with Arewa Textiles in Kaduna, a city in the northwest known as a trade and transformation center. His colleagues soon elected him union secretary. In 1971, responding to bad labor practices at his workplace, he led a shop-floor revolt. Four years later, he had become a full-time trade union organizer. Around this time, he left for the UK to study labor and industrial relations at Ruskin College in Oxford. (Ruskin had developed a reputation as an educational institution providing higher education to workers.) Later, he would also study at the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPS) in Kuru, Plateau State.


In 1982, Oshiomhole was appointed as the general secretary and chief executive of the National Union of Textile Garment and Tailoring Workers of Nigeria. As a 2017 report into the union’s fortunes would note: “At its peak in the 1980s, the textile industry employed up to 500,000 workers directly, making it the second largest employer after the government.” This made Oshiomhole one of the most powerful trade union leaders in Nigeria.


Oshiomhole’s emergence as a Labour and political leader is best understood within the wider historical trajectory of the NLC. From the mid-1980s, the junta of Ibrahim Babangida (1985-1993) clamped down on radical organizations and social movements as part of its imposition of neoliberal structural adjustment programs. The labour movement and the National Association of Nigeria Students (NANS) were hounded by restrictions and state agents at every turn.


In the NLC, the internal rift between progressive and the liberal forces—epitomized by the battle between Jonathan Ihonde of the Academic Staff Union of Universities and Ali Ciroma of the Amalgamated Union (Ciroma was pushed out)—led to the emergence of the charismatic Paschal Bafyau, a moderate, as president of the NLC. Unwilling to kowtow to the radical momentum of the 1990s during which the June 12, 1993 revolts against dictatorship broke-out, Bafyau couldn’t lead a coherent NLC and Babangida intervened again with a caretaker leadership. Oshiomhole, then general secretary of the National Textiles and Garments Union, was chosen to be Paschal Bafyau’s vice president. He immediately hit the ground running imbuing confidence and overseeing the rebuilding of labour’s fighting capacity.


Elected as NLC president in 1999, Oshiomhole became the darling of all workers fighting anti-labour practices and using his oratory prowess in political debates to inspire mass action. The Oshiomhole of this era bore a striking resemblance to Michael Imoudu, the legendary “Labor leader No 1,” who led the 1945 Cost of Living Allowances (COLA) strike that lasted for 45 days and shook the foundations of the colonial state.


Oshiomhole had his most heroic moments as NLC president. Under him, workers went on general strikes seven times. These strikes were about salary increases but also fought against the deregulation of the oil sector and the continued implementation of structural adjustment policies.


Oshiomhole understood the power of strikes and mobilized for them with great vigor. He usually relocated NLC structures to Lagos as the commercials center once a strike was to be announced. His bold leadership stirred President Obasanjo to accuse him of running a parallel government in 2004.


However, the tail end of Oshiomhole’s second tenure at the head of the NLC saw the evolution of the labour hero. During this period, the NLC joined the National Privatization Council, which served as the engine room for the destabilization of the Nigerian economy as production-based, marking a clear betrayal of all that labour had been fighting against. This also meant that NLC was part of the council that supervised the sale of government-owned industries, shedding large numbers of jobs while empowering cronies in the private sector. By the end of Oshiomhole’s tenure, the labour movement was left in tatters industrially and politically.


Oshiomhole was drawn into electoral politics, helping to establish the Labour Party in 2007. However, this is where the parallels between Oshiomhole and Imoudu end. While Imoudu was left leaning in practice, Oshiomhole jilted the Labour Party in favor of the bourgeois dominant formation, the Action Congress (AC), in the same year in which the Labour Party was formed. (Oshiomhole only ran a double ticket after union pressure.) The AC ultimately merged with similar parties to form the All Progressives Congress (APC).


Oshiomhole and his allies registered the Labor Party and handed it over to liberal Labour leader Dan Nwanyanwu. Under this leadership the party sold frontrunner tickets to the highest bidder while restricting union members from democratic participation. The party has yet to recover from the scars of this experience.


After gaining the governorship seat under the AC banner, Oshiomhole actively worked to prevent workers strikes. In Edo state, workers went on strikes at their union levels, but Oshiomhole violently prevented a general strike. The biggest general strike in Nigeria so far has been the Occupy Nigeria strikes in 2012. Instead of supporting the protests, despite being in the opposition, Oshiomhole helped to break the strike through a negotiation committee of which he was major state actor.


As governor, he also conducted the largest casualization of the work force by any state government thus far. More than 50,000 workers, employed through the Youth Employment Scheme (YES) in 2009, were sacked in 2015 when Oshiomhole claimed on television that he “picked them” from the “gutters.” Since this period Oshiomhole has used his overwhelming influence on both the NLC and the Trade Union Council (TUC) to ensure that general strikes are virtually forbidden under the strong-handed rule of the APC.


Oshiomhole gained a popular following in mainstream politics, retaining his characteristic khaki “comrade’s jacket”, but was increasingly seen through the godfather persona of “OshioBaba.” He has sadly also remained an example and a mentor to many in the Labour movement, and Labour activists are frequently seen in alliances with mainstream politicians in the PDP and APC. Labour bureaucrats have abandoned the Labor Party and like Oshiomhole, openly flirt with the ruling class. This is one reason why the movement lost two general strikes. However, the formation of a cluster of revolutionary organizations has brought new hope to the left and radical working class. Member organizations of the Coalition for Revolution (CORE) have been leading #RevolutionNow; the struggle precursor of the #EndSARS Protests that shook the world in late 2020.


Adams Oshiomhole rose to limelight and greatness while serving the working people as a labour leader. He managed to run Edo state government for two terms playing the devil’s advocate. In power, Oshiomhole denied workers most of what he fought for during much of his tenure at the helm of the NLC. Oshiomhole’s recent rise and fall within the APC is often viewed as the final desecration of a labour icon. Yet, it is evident that the workers movement lost its visionary leadership much earlier.


Author: Kunle Wizeman Ajayi, a Nigerian trade union leader is chair of the Lagos branch of the African Action Congress.


PDP Queries Buhari Presidency Over Tear Gas attack on Katsina Abducted Students' Parents

PDP Queries Buhari Presidency Over Tear Gas attack on Katsina Abducted Students' Parents

December 13, 2020


Press Statement



The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has queried the Buhari Presidency over the unwarranted tear gas attack by the police on the sorrowing parents of the kidnapped students of Government Science Secondary School, Kankara, Katsina state.


The PDP described as disturbing that such callousness could be meted on the grief-stricken parents after President Muhammadu Buhari, who had gone holidaying in the state, failed to protect their children from terrorists.


It is indeed sad that instead of going after terrorists and insurgents, that struck few hours after a holidaying President Buhari and his security machinery took over the state, the state apparatus of power is being used to inflict further pain on the helpless victims.


Such display of insensitivity further foregrounds the lack of empathy by the Buhari-led All Progressives Congress (APC) administration and serves as a sad reminder of how it also blamed the 43 farmers recently slain by terrorists in Borno state, instead of taking steps to apprehend the assailants. 

 

Indeed, our party shares the pains and sorrows of these parents who have been under serious torment since President Buhari arrived Katsina for his needless holidays.


The PDP therefore calls on the Buhari Presidency to immediately apologize to Nigerians and the parents of the kidnapped students as well as take steps to ensure disciplinary actions on those who ordered the tear gas attack on the parents.


Our party also restates our call to President Buhari to go in search of and rescue the students, who were kidnapped while his security machinery was in charge of the state.


The PDP reiterates its stand, in solidarity with the people of Katsina state and other patriotic Nigerians, not to rest until President Buhari finds and rescues each of these young ones.


Signed:


Kola Ologbondiyan

National Publicity Secretary

December 13, 2020


Press Statement



The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has queried the Buhari Presidency over the unwarranted tear gas attack by the police on the sorrowing parents of the kidnapped students of Government Science Secondary School, Kankara, Katsina state.


The PDP described as disturbing that such callousness could be meted on the grief-stricken parents after President Muhammadu Buhari, who had gone holidaying in the state, failed to protect their children from terrorists.


It is indeed sad that instead of going after terrorists and insurgents, that struck few hours after a holidaying President Buhari and his security machinery took over the state, the state apparatus of power is being used to inflict further pain on the helpless victims.


Such display of insensitivity further foregrounds the lack of empathy by the Buhari-led All Progressives Congress (APC) administration and serves as a sad reminder of how it also blamed the 43 farmers recently slain by terrorists in Borno state, instead of taking steps to apprehend the assailants. 

 

Indeed, our party shares the pains and sorrows of these parents who have been under serious torment since President Buhari arrived Katsina for his needless holidays.


The PDP therefore calls on the Buhari Presidency to immediately apologize to Nigerians and the parents of the kidnapped students as well as take steps to ensure disciplinary actions on those who ordered the tear gas attack on the parents.


Our party also restates our call to President Buhari to go in search of and rescue the students, who were kidnapped while his security machinery was in charge of the state.


The PDP reiterates its stand, in solidarity with the people of Katsina state and other patriotic Nigerians, not to rest until President Buhari finds and rescues each of these young ones.


Signed:


Kola Ologbondiyan

National Publicity Secretary

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